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Sects
and Sectarianism: A Practical Approach to Unity
S. K.
Hashmi
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Whenever
someone offers "Islam" as the only possible solution
to the myriad problems afflicting our country, the question that
immediately props up is: "Whose Islam?" This is a valid
question, and all the different sects and factions, especially
all those groups and parties who are working for Islamic revival,
must arrive at a consensus in this regard. Otherwise, it is obvious
that the sectarian and partisan approach, which is quite prevalent
today among the Muslims, especially in our part of the world will
remain the biggest impediment in the establishment of a true Islamic
State.
The
realization is growing that Islam is, in fact, the only solution
to the evil remains of Colonialism and the only answer to the
threat of New World Order. But, regrettably, there is very little
cognizance of the biggest hurdle in achieving this goal: our own
internal strife and the menace of sectarianism. Any meaningful
progress towards the establishment of an Islamic state is impossible
unless we find a solution to this issue.
There
is a tremendous onslaught of Zionist hegemony under the guise
of the New World Order. The Arabs are practically in their pocket.
It is only our part of the Muslim world consisting of Iran, Afghanistan,
Pakistan, as well as the Russian and Chinese Turkestan that
has a potential for offering a substantive resistance to their
nefarious designs. How can we unite the diverse people inhabiting
this region? The only cement that can bind them is Islam. But
again, all efforts to create a solid Islamic bloc in this region
are going to be unsuccessful unless a lasting and workable solution
to the problem of sectarianism is found.
The
Qur'anic Answer to Sectarianism
The
most fundamental point that needs to be noted in this regard is
the distinction between Deen and Shariah. According to the Holy
Qur'an, all the prophets and messengers throughout human history
have taught the same Deen Islam the essence of which is to accept
Almighty Allah (SWT) as the sovereign and ruler of the universe
and the prophets as His representatives. Thus, we see that all
the messengers demanded two things from their respective nations:
worship Allah and obey me. It means that, during the days of Prophet
Noah, Islam consisted of worshipping Allah and obeying Noah (AS).
In the times of Prophet Hud, Islam consisted of worshipping Allah
and obeying Hud (AS). During the age of Prophet Moses, Islam consisted
of worshipping Allah and obeying Moses (AS). Similarly, now that
the institution of Prophethood has concluded after reaching its
zenith in the person of the last messenger, Muhammad (SAAWS),
the essence of Islam for all times to come will consist of two
things: to worship Almighty Allah (SWT) and to obey Prophet Muhammad
(SAAWS).
We
know that the Shariah or the code of life given by Almighty Allah
(SWT) to Prophet Moses (AS) and through him to his people was
very different from the one given to Prophet Muhammad (SAAWS),
even though both of them taught the same Deen, i.e., Islam. It
follows that it is possible for different messengers to have different
teachings regarding the details of law, rituals, customs, etc.,
but that all these differences remain well within the broader
circle of Deen, which has remained unchanged throughout human
history.
Consider
the implications of this basic fact taught by the Holy Qur'an.
It means that, irrespective of how divergent their views and practices
may be, as long as the different Muslim sects agree to worship
Almighty Allah (SWT) and obey Prophet Muhammad (SAAWS), all of
them will remain inside the broader circle of the Muslim Ummah.
Unless there is a categorical refusal by a group of people to
submit before the clear injunctions of the Holy Qur'an and those
of Prophet Muhammad (SAAWS), any schism or cleavage won't happen.
Since all the different sects (Madhahib) in Islam whether
Hanafi, Shafa'i, Maliki, Hanbali, Zahiri, Salafi, or Jafari are
unanimous that the commandments of the Qur'an and the Sunnah are
binding upon them, none of these represent any defection from
the fold of Ummah.
Although
various schools of thought among the Muslims differ concerning
the principles or rules of interpreting the Divine law, all can
be united on the basis of the original sources of guidance, the
Holy Qur'an and the Sunnah of Prophet Muhammad (SAAWS). Just as
the same Deen can manifest itself into a number of different codes
of life for example the Shariah of Moses (AS) and the Shariah
of Muhammad (SAAWS) it can also manifest, at a secondary level,
into numerous schools of jurisprudence, all of which are in agreement
regarding the fundamentals but differing in minor issues of detail.
Disagreements
are Unavoidable
There
is a crucial distinction between expressing differences of opinion
and creating rifts and antagonisms in the community. According
to the Holy Qur'an, the diversity and variation that we find everywhere
in the universe is a sign of Almighty Allah's infinite creativity.
People differ greatly in their aptitudes, priorities, intelligence
levels, and preferences. Therefore, even when it comes to the
interpretation of the teachings of the Holy Qur'an and the Sunnah,
knowledgeable and sincere scholars will inevitably differ with
each other. There is absolutely nothing wrong with differences
of opinion concerning interpretations of the same injunction of
the Qur'an or the Sunnah, just as there is nothing wrong when
judges differ in their interpretations of the law or Constitution.
However, the point is to view such a disagreement as an academic
and technical one, and not to let it become a reason for creating
discord and rivalry.
The
friction prevalent between various Muslim schools of jurisprudence
is rather unfortunate. But it must be kept in mind that this sort
of animosity is never caused by sincere disagreements, rather
it is always a result of the sinister desire to dominate and subjugate
others. If disagreements are combined with sincerity of intention
and uncompromising loyalty to the Qur'an and the Sunnah, then
such disagreements are certainly desirable and beneficial in the
sight of Islam. But sometimes these differences of opinion are
exaggerated and grossly misused by the belligerent and formalist
type of self-proclaimed "scholars", and it is only then
that they result in unnecessary bitterness and strife.
Islam
has reached its ultimate perfection and fulfillment with the advent
of Prophet Muhammad (SAAWS), in the sense that the Holy Qur'an
and the Sunnah of Prophet Muhammad (SAAWS) will remain the only
sources of guidance for the entire humanity, for all times to
come. Since there are not going to be any more prophets, it follows
that it is now up to the learned people from among the Ummah
who are well-grounded in the knowledge of the Qur'an and Sunnah
as well as other related sciences to deliberate over the
Divine and Prophetic injunctions in order to provide the framework
for new legislation and codification of the Islamic law.
Another
upshot of the belief in the termination of Prophethood is that
a disruption or rift will be created within the ranks of the Ummah
only when someone challenges the authority of Prophet Muhammad
(SAAWS). Therefore, in the entire fourteen hundred years of Muslim
history, only those sects were unanimously declared as non-Muslims
who had refused to accept Prophet Muhammad (SAAWS) as the supreme
authority. Thus, a consensus of opinion among the Ulama with regard
to the verdict of apostasy (Takfeer) is found only with reference
to those sects who had adopted for themselves a new "prophet",
Qadianism being a case in point.
The
extraordinary spirit of tolerance and magnanimity, which was very
much in vogue during the early centuries of Islamic jurisprudence,
must be revived among the Muslims of today. Our Ulama should realize
that Islam is much more than mere pedantic debates over minor
points of law and trivial theological distinctions. Our own history
has shown how damaging this constant preoccupation with basically
futile controversies can be. Instead of broadening the intellectual
horizons, such pursuit only serve to render the mind incapable
of comprehending as to what is really at stake. Minor judicial
and theological disagreements should never be allowed to cause
hard feelings among the members of the Ummah. Our objective should
be the establishment of the Deen of Allah, rather than the domination
of one sect by another.
Since
all Muslim sects agree that the "Straight Path" consists
of obeying Prophet Muhammad (SAAWS), their mutual disagreements
regarding the interpretation of Shariah can be easily reconciled
and harmonized, once they realize the urgent and acute need for
a united and cohesive Ummah. The most significant point in this
respect is that the envisioned Islamic State will not be able
to function for even a single day if such unity is not achieved.
Legislation
in the Islamic State
The
immense amount of work that was done by earlier jurists, while
still valuable to a large extent, will not be able to meet the
practically infinite demands for fresh legislation in the future
Islamic state. How shall we deal with the very practical issue
of legislation once an Islamic state is finally established? The
ideal solution would be to bind the legislative Assembly or Shura,
through an unambiguous article of the Constitution, that it cannot
formulate any law that is repugnant to the Qur'an and the Sunnah.
The jurists and scholars belonging to various schools of thought
will deliberate and discuss and argue among themselves regarding
the resolution of contemporary issues, the solutions of which
are not found explicitly in either the Qur'an or the Sunnah. These
scholars would make use of the whole corpus of the Islamic literature
on jurisprudence without any bias or discrimination. A number
of "think-tanks" can be established for this sort of
research, but without legislative authority, in order to avoid
any resemblance with theocracy. These institutions and academies
can indirectly guide the members of the Assembly as to the kind
of laws that are harmonious with the spirit of Qur'an and Sunnah.
Of
course, the gates of Ijtihad would have to be re-opened if we
are to run a modern Islamic state. Equally obvious is the fact
that the jurists and scholars of the Islamic Shariah will continue
to disagree with each other as to which of the numerous possible
solutions of a particular issue is closest to the spirit of Qur'an
and Sunnah. Again, there is no harm in such disagreements. All
these various solutions can then be discussed and pondered over
by the members of the legislative Assembly, and the best possible
law shall be formulated by them in accordance with majority vote.
There
still remains the possibility that the legislative Assembly might
commit a mistake, whether intentional or inadvertent, by passing
a law that is, in fact, contrary to the teachings of Shariah.
In that case, either the President can refuse to endorse the bill,
asking the legislature to review its decision, or a citizen can
approach the judiciary to plead that a violation of the Constitution
is being committed. The Supreme Court will obviously seek the
opinion of the representatives of the government as well as legal
experts and religious scholars, and it will be then up to the
judges of the highest Court to decide if indeed a transgression
of the Shariah has occurred. If the Court were to find that the
new law is, in fact, repugnant to the Shariah, it will have the
prerogative to declare it null and void, forcing the Assembly
to start the whole process all over again.
That
the Ulama in the future Islamic state would not insist on following
any particular school of jurisprudence is, unfortunately, not
an immediately attainable ideal. It would take time to convince
the followers as well as the religious scholars of various schools
that, instead of demanding that all law-making should conform
to the rules and principles laid down by their particular Imam,
they should rather accede to give primacy to the original sources
of guidance the Qur'an and the Sunnah in the larger interest
of Islam as well that of the Muslims. However, till the time that
such a consensus is achieved, legislation in the Islamic state
can continue on the basis of that school of jurisprudence which
is followed by the majority. For example, legislation in Pakistan
can be done on the basis of majority Fiqh, which is the school
of Imam Abu Hanifa. It may be noted that this is a pragmatic,
not an ideal, approach.
Since
there can only be a single "law of the land" in any
given country, it follows that the adherents of all other schools
of jurisprudence, by accepting legislation based on the majority
Fiqh, would have to sacrifice their own emotional attachment to
their specific Imam for the greater good of the Ummah. It is also
obvious that, in case the majority Fiqh is used as the basis for
legislation, the Islamic state would give complete and absolute
freedom to all its citizens concerning their private and personal
affairs. That is to say, although the "Public Law" would
conform to the principles of one school of jurisprudence, all
citizens would be free to practice their own Fiqh in matters of
worship, rituals, marriage and divorce laws, etc. The state would
never interfere at all in these matters.
Futility
of the Sectarian Approach
We
must realize that the present atmosphere of conflict and disharmony
prevalent between various Muslim sects is utterly useless and
futile. Each one of these various sects have more than a thousand
years of history behind it. It is nothing more than a delusion
that one faction can somehow eliminate the other. Can the Shia
Muslims force their particular ideas on to the Sunnis? Can the
Sunnis ever succeed in wiping out the Shias? Can the followers
of Imam Abu Hanifa ever eradicate the followers of the Salafi
school of thought? Can the latter exterminate the former? The
answer is too obvious to mention.
We
must read the writing on the wall. We must recognize that it is
simply impossible to either disregard the existence of different
sects in Islam or to try and remove in an artificial manner their
long-standing disagreements. The correct approach is to accept
the right of each sect to practice what it believes to be true
in the private and personal sphere and, at the same time, to try
and work out an understanding with regard to the practical issue
of legislation in an Islamic state, as described above.
Can
the Shia and Sunni Muslims unite?
While
it is relatively easy to work out an accord between the various
schools of Ahl al-Sunnah, it is much more problematic to deal
with the issue of Shia vs. Sunni. The divide of disagreement is
much broader and deeper between the Shia and the Sunni Muslims,
as compared to that between the different schools within the Sunnis.
This is primarily because, even though both sects turn to the
same Qur'an for guidance, they have totally different sets of
books on Hadith. This fundamental difference in the respective
frames of reference of Shia and the Sunni Muslims is, indeed,
a very significant one. But Iran has already dealt with this problem
and so can we.
The
solution that is adopted by the government of Iran after the revolution
of 1979 is workable all over the Muslim world. It is clearly stated
in their Constitution that the law of the land in Iran would be
based on Fiqh Jafari, but the followers of all other schools would
be free to practice their own Fiqh in their private and personal
affairs. This highly ingenious but equally simple and uncomplicated
approach represents a really enlightening lesson for the entire
Muslim Ummah.
Whenever
an Islamic state is established in Pakistan, the Constitution
can be amended to the effect that the process of legislation shall
be based on the Hadith collections and the schools of Fiqh that
belong to the majority, that is, those of Ahl al-Sunnah. At the
same time, the Shia minority would be given the same status in
Pakistan which is given to the Sunnis under the Iranian Constitution.
While the Public Law would follow the beliefs and concepts of
the majority, the Shias would enjoy total freedom to practice
their own Fiqh in all private and personal matters, including
that of Zakat.
Another
controversial issue is that the Shia doctrine of Imamate is in
sharp conflict with the Sunni belief in Caliphate. The Caliph
among the Sunnis is to be selected and elected by the Muslims,
whereas, for the Shia, the political and the religious leadership
of the Muslim community is vested in the Imam, who is divinely
inspired, sinless, and infallible. How can we reconcile such diverse
viewpoints?
As
a matter of fact, there is no practical need for a reconcilement
with reference to this particular point. The majority of the Shias
living in Pakistan are Ithna Asharis, or the "Twelvers",
who believe that the twelfth Imam disappeared and went into seclusion
in the year 874 C.E., and, therefore, they are now supposed to
await his return (Intizar). In the meantime, the Shias are required
to follow their religious experts who interpret the Islamic law
for the community. In the absence of their authentic Imam, the
Shia doctrine of Infallible Imamate is not going to pose any practical
problems. Both the Sunni and the Shia Muslims are, therefore,
in the same boat, because both have to look up to their religious
scholars and Ulama for guidance, and also because both believe
in the possibility of and the need for Ijtihad.
One
cannot over-stress the urgency of achieving a state of internal
cohesion and unity in the Muslim Ummah. And, as we have seen,
there is, indeed, a simple and practical approach towards that
unity. The question is whether or not we are mature enough to
go beyond our present state of debilitating sectarianism.
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